Only States may confederate.

Friday, 11 June 2010

Only States may confederate.

Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida, leader of Unio Democràtica de Catalunya 'I am not supporter of the independence of Catalonia, I am confederalist'.

Commentary;

Mr Duran i Lleida, to say 'I am confederalist', at this moment, and also in the last century, might sound very pleasant to win the votes of all those who are NOT INFORMED or others like you, who know that the confederation of Catalonia with Spain is impossible, because of the simple reason that Spain does not want to confederate. Spain does not even respect that shit of "Estatut" cut and planed of that 30th September (2006), still waiting for the sentence by the Constitution Tribunal.

When you say "I will not bring forward a ballot for independence during the elections", you have all the right of doing so, but what I think is that the facts and the freedom process of Catalonia will go through you, above and beyond Convergència and Unió, and your connivance with Spain will be uncovered and a lot of your voters, a lot of those who voted affirmatively for the independence of Catalonia will rethink very soon whether they have to give their support to a project that still trust the Spaniards, who, instead of preparing the rupture with that group of thieves and usurpers and the new Catalan State, helps Spain in the aim of destroying Catalonia.

Do not make us laugh, Mr Duran i Lleida, and do not embroil the unwary people, you should know -you know it well, though, that a Confederation is established between two sovereign States and not between two autonomous communities, so that if you are really 'confederalist', stop being silly and start working for the urgent independence of Catalonia and for the establishment of the future Catalan State. Then, you could prepare yourself for an eventual confederation with the other Catalan speaking, culture and tradition countries, demonstrating that you are not a true liar.

Catalan independence and its supporters will remove all regionalist traitors and collaborationists with the enemies of Catalonia.

Prepare yourselves, Mr Duran i Lleida and colleagues, your time is arriving. The time to settle up the matter with Catalonia.

Josep Vilalta.
President of Berguedans per la Independència de Catalunya

Salvador Molins
Member BIC and Counsellor Catalunya Acció

Now it is necessary to get the engines running for Independence from within the Parliament

Tuesday, 8 June 2010

Now it is necessary to get the engines running for Independence from within the Parliament

Catalunya Acció is not doing otherwise but following its strategy towards the achievement of the Independence of Catalonia around 2014, the objective proclaimed at its birth in 2004.

To achieve our independence, two forces must be active. One comes from outside the Parliament, the other comes from within. Naturally, it is absolutely necessary that these forces target their objectives to one direction, the independence of Catalonia.

The forces from outside have already begun and are up and running to achieve it -Catalunya Acció, the ballots, 10Mil and other multiple organizations and platforms.

Now it is necessary to bring the discourse for independence to the Parliament, we need to start the second engine. So that is the task and goal for Força Catalunya.

Salvador Molins
Counsellor Catalunya Acció

------------------------

Toca moure les forces motores de la Independència des de dins del Parlament. __ EA 1596

empordaaccio | diumenge, 23 de maig de 2010 | 14:27h

Toca moure les forces motores de la Independència des de dins del Parlament. __ EA 1596

Catalunya Acció no està fent altre cosa que seguir la seva estratègia encaminada a assolir la Independència de Catalunya en una dècada aproximadament, amb aquest objectiu va néixer a finals de l'any 2004.

Per assolir la independència calen dues forces motores, la una és la força de fora del Parlament i l'altra força motora són les forces de dins el parlament. Naturalment és absolutament necessari que aquestes forces enfoquin els seus objectius en una sola direcció, la independència de Catalunya.

Les forces de fora del parlament ja estant en moviment continuat vers la Independència: Catalunya Acció, les Consultes, 10 Mil i altres múltiples plataformes.

Ara és convenient portar la Independència dins del Parlament, cal moure la segona força motora, per això ara comença el camí i la tasca de Força Catalunya.

Salvador Molins, Conseller de Catalunya Acció.

4.000 catalanes se reúnen frente a la ONU en Ginebra para pedir la independencia Cerca de 4.000 catalanes se han reunido ante el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU para reivindicar el "derecho inalienable a la autodeterminación" de Catalunya realizando un parlamento y varios actos festivos.

nos 4.000 ciudadanos catalanes se han reunido frente a la sede del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU para reivindicar el "derecho inalienable a la autodeterminación de Catalunya".

En la Concentración se hizo una entrega simbólica de una carta que fue enviada al presidente del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU, Alex Van Meeuwen, firmada por el portavoz de Deumil.cat, Enric Canela, el presidente del Centro Internacional Escarré por las Minorías Étnicas y Naciones (Ciemen), Aureli Argemí y el ex conseller de Justicia y Gobernación de la Generalitat y presidente de Soberanía y Justicia, Agustí Bassols, en representación de 84 entidades que apoyan la iniciativa.
Canela quiso remarcar la importancia de las consultas que han tenido lugar en Catalunya cuyos resultados muestran que "casi medio millón de catalanes ya han expresado su voluntad de llegar a ser un estado independiente y soberano".
En el acto han participado miembros de varias de las plataformas independentistas representadas en la carta; también representantes políticos como el alcalde de Arenys de Munt, Carles Mora, entre otros; y representantes de la cultura popular catalana. El acto contó con su parte lúdica -sardanas, gigantes y pasacalles-, reivindicativa y política.

"He was born in Madrid and defends the linguist immersion in Catalan"

Monday, 5 April 2010

"Spanish should not be taught at all at schools in Catalonia", Prof Juan Carlos Moreno Cabrera. Interview by Carles Bellsol

Prof Juan Carlos Moreno Cabrera, linguist.

He was born in Madrid and defends the linguist immersion in Catalan. The Professor at the Autonomous University of Madrid, Juan Carlos Moreno Cabrera has published a book, "El nacionalismo lingüístico (Península) -The linguist nationalism (Peninsula), with a profoundly provocative thesis; the only linguistic nationalism existing in Spain is the Spanish. And that is very aggressive, as explained in this interview with eldebat.cat, translated to English.

In what consists the linguistic nationalism?

The most common idea in Spain about nationalism, linguist and general, is the claims of a series of regions that have stuck to, in an obsessive and exaggerated manner, the idea that their language and culture had to be recognized. Because a lot of people consider that their language and culture are already recognized within the Constitution and, therefore, all this insistence correspond to a desire of differentiation that goes against the globalization of society.

But you, instead, sustain that there is a linguistic nationalism from Spain.

In headlining my book this way, surely there have been a lot of people who have read it wanted to reaffirm their ideas. To them, my book may be intolerable, because I demonstrate something hidden, the State nationalism. Which is not recognized as such because is parted from the fallacy that once the State is established, in this case, the Spanish State, all the expectations are exceeded, including those ethnic and of identity. I demonstrate in the book that this is absolutely false. Not only the State has not transcended the national question, but is based on one Nation, one culture and one specific language, that has continued to be the Spanish.

Therefore, which side gives more signs of nationalism?

It is that, following my definition of linguist nationalism, Catalan, Basque and Galician linguist nationalisms do not exist. Why? Because the main definition of linguist nationalism is to consider that the own language is superior to the others. Which makes no sense with strictly linguist reasons. This idea, originated by Menéndez Pidal, exists within the Castilian nationalism. But I fail to see it in the so-called Catalan nationalism, nor in the Basque or Galician. I do not see anybody who claimed that Catalan is superior than Spanish -linguistically.

Thing that is done by the Spanish nationalism, following your book.

The second defining feature is that, because my language is superior, I am doing the others a favour if I impose it to them. I do not perceive this in the so-called Catalan nationalism. Catalans do not pretend that Catalan is spoken in Malaga or Castile. I do not know any Catalanist defending this. Instead, Spanish do defend that Spanish dominates in Catalonia, and becomes the main language. But they disguise this discourse under the "communication language" or the "meeting tongue". In my book, the deduced idea is that, if we apply these criteria, the Catalan, Basque and Galician linguist nationalism do not exist. A lot of people have reproached that I do not criticize the "imposition of Catalan". But, what imposition? If I defend that Spanish has to be spoken in Castile, is that an imposition? Thus, if Catalans say that Catalan must be the main language in Catalonia, is that an imposition?

But Spanish nationalists do not openly manifest that Spanish must be the dominating tongue. What they do is argue about the individual rights of speakers.

We talk about about individual rights, but languages exist within a linguist community, not being isolated individuals. If I travel to Germany, I may have every right to speak Spanish but I must speak German. Because I am integrating on a community with linguist relations where German is prevailing. To speak about individual rights in linguist matters makes no sense. And when they criticize that Catalan acquires

predominance in certain fields, do so because it entails the loss of the absolute domain, in these fields, of the Spanish. When they criticize that, even if they do not openly do so, are demonstrating what they are fearing is not that Spanish language disappear from Catalonia -nobody with a little common sense would think that Spanish might disappear from Catalonia, it is stupid, but in reality are expressing their fear that Spanish lost the absolute prevail in Catalonia.

Instead, there are studies that affirm that Catalan language is in danger of extinction.

It depends which languages is compared against. If we compare Catalan against Aragonese, it is not in danger of extinction. But Catalan has to be compared against other languages of similar demographic level. Catalan is a very important European language from the demographic point of view and is not in danger of extinction. However, is not the prevailing language within the Catalan Countries, this is clear. There are a lot of fields in which it has not been possible to achieve this domain. Understanding domain as nothing negative, but to be the tongue of habitual use, the language by defect. Logical. When two languages live together, advances against the most powerful one from the demographic, economic and political points of view are very difficult. It should never be said, though, that Catalan is out of danger, because is in contact with Spanish.

Due to that reason, the measures to increase the use of the language like linguist immersion are appropriate?

The only linguistic immersion that I know is in Spanish. There is no linguist immersion in Catalonia. If the Catalan language is used at school, I find it normal. Might we say that teaching in Madrid in Spanish is linguist immersion? I would not say so. We understand immersion when an official language is not the tongue of the population and it is mandated to use that tongue at school, thing that occurs in several countries in the world. In Nigeria, the tongue at school is English, and every child that attends school must learn English, which is not spoken by any of the members of his or her family. Because English, and this is the question, is not the tongue of Nigeria, is was imposed by the colonial powers. But Catalan is not imposed by any colonial power, is the own tongue of Catalonia.

You, in your book, differentiate between additive bilingualism and replacing. Which is the case of Catalonia?

The bilingualism that is said to promote from the centre is theoretically additive. In other words, I add my tongue to the native and both live together. But in 90% of the cases, in reality, is a replacing bilingualism, in which the new language is pretended to substitute the native. If a Catalan child is educated in Spanish, in what there are a lot more books, TV programs, more opportunities, is promoted that the child said 'Now, I do not speak to my family in Catalan any more, because it is more interesting for me to speak Spanish well, it gives me more opportunities'. Precisely, Spanish must not be taught at schools in Catalonia. I know is harsh, that a lot of people will criticize me for that, but is true. In these moments, there is a profound disequilibrium in favour of Spanish. How do we correct that? Giving support to both languages equally? Then, the disequilibrium is maintained. The only solution is to give support to the native -own- language, and a lot more support than to the other one. It is evident.

There are other reasons invoked, such as 'market' or 'darwinist' reasons, as you said, to justify the prevail of one determined language.

The new discourse of nationalism is based upon economical criteria. It is said that there are tongues that have a big market and others that have a small one. This means using capitalism globalization criteria, seeing it all as markets, products and clients. This is how economies work, but we must not use this economic criteria in culture. It is like we say that at "Museo del Prado", one paint that has only been seen by 50 people must be taken to the basement because it has only been seen by a very few visitors. Culture is not economics, is something else.

Why do writers in Catalan sell so few books in Spain?

Spain has not assumed its multinational character. If true multilingual politics had been applied, children had been taught, at least, to read and understand the diverse tongues of the State. So that a literate adult would be able to read Josep Pla without having to read a translation. And a Catalan author might sell his or her work in Spain. So that Catalan authors would not think writing in Spanish. Now, logically, if a Catalan author wants to be read the maximum possible, ends up writing in Spanish. In this sense, the presence of Catalan is disappearing, and is only read in Catalonia. And even more, in little numbers.

How has your book been received in the rest of Spain?

Practically all reviews and interviews have been in Catalonia, Galice or the Basque Country. In the rest of Spain, the book has had practically no incidence. People like to read opinions that reinforce their own,  not totally opposite ones.

Carles Bellsolà.  eldebat.cat  14/09/2008

"Talking about democracy, when the elected government are puppets in the hands of bankers who give or forgive debts when they want ..."

Tuesday, 30 March 2010

Covering their privates

In a moment where there is a very deep crisis like now, the economic news proliferate in all media with supersonic speed and we barely have the time to separate the grain from the straw. Besides, the majority of people ignores the tricky mechanisms over which the experts pontificate their studies, is easy that we feel fooled. In fact, it is difficult to understand how is possible that if numbers are the same to everybody, one party reads them exactly opposite than the other party. Two plus two are four, whether you are right or left, people think.

In this mess of number and percentages, common people do not, and cannot, understand, it is thanked the clear words heard a few weeks ago to the economist, and Professor at the University of Barcelona, Gonzalo Bernardos, during a debate at Carlos Fuente's "Catalunya Opina", Canal Català. More or less, Prof Bernardos said that to begin to readdress the actual situation, the authentic reality of the Spanish banking sector had to be faced. Spanish banks have closed the tap to credits, which drags us towards a cul-de-sac, why? We must, then, ask. In a solitary sentence by Prof Bernardos, it is summarized; he affirms that in 2007 there were banks that had 85% of their credit conceded to the estate sector. Not long after, it has come the big downturn of this sector, and consequently, a few weeks ago, the President of the Superior Council of Chambers of Commerce, Javier Gomez Navarro, said that the estate companies in Spain owe a total of €350B, from which half are loans to buy land. Very good. In that respect, the very Prof Bernardos manifests that banks are doing "creative accountancy" to make up the fact that a lot of those plots of land that they financed are not worth, now, a 10%. All together, there is no need to have studied economics to preview that the banking sector in Spain is about to explode.

However, it has not been unique to Spain. He have all seen as the American and German governments have faced the situation and have tried to solve this cancer that was -maybe still is- rotting their financial structures. I shall not value whether they have done well or not but certainly, have made public the insides of the responsible of this chaos that has affected a great number of the companies and families. Contrarily, the internal situation of the Spanish and Catalan banks continues to be as impenetrable as the Mystery of the Holy Trinity. Why are so untouchable the figures of Botins and Forneses, when everybody guess that hide more sins than Barabbas?

I do not believe that the answer to this question is alien to an information appeared more or less a month ago, where it said that Banco de Santander accumulated debt from PSOE -Socialist Party of Spain- worth €30M. On the other side, "la Caixa" made the same with PSC -Socialist Party of Catalonia- but with a more modest figure, only €7.2M. When we see the generosity of these institutions towards who represent us, can start imagining why the governments look at the other side. How can they ask for responsibilities to whom saves them from bankruptcy? We are in front of one alliance politico-financier that invalidates any sign of authentic democracy. Who pays, rules. And PSOE and PSC are not exceptions. Their viability as political parties depends exclusively from a General Council to which they had to concede privileges to be able to finance and not having to close for administration. Do not come now with tales like popular sovereignty or similar things, because who really rule are a bunch of people with offices at the highest floors of the most emblematic buildings in Madrid and Barcelona. Talking about democracy, when the elected government are puppets in the hands of bankers who give or forgive debts when they want, is wanting to take us for granted and an insult to the intelligence of the voter. A partitocracy in the hands of a banking oligarchy is not a symptom of progress. It is a clear political and moral degradation. Does anybody like to keep voting Botin's butlers?

Santiago Espot
CEO Catalunya Acció

Article published at "El Punt", on March 29th 2010

"The misery of being a catalan colony"

 

Catalunya Acció - UK

CATALONIA THE NEXT STATE IN EUROPE

Jordi Margalef i Turull

Member of Catalunya Acció UK

--------------- 

 

Tuesday, 30 March 2010

The misery of being a colony

There has not been three years since the power cut that affected Barcelona in summer 2007. Then, the interruption of power supply lasted for three days and it evidenced the actual mistreatment to that Catalonia is object, not only from Spain but from the private companies managed from Spain. In that occasion, a wave of anger and protest was started on the digital media and blogosphere. Now, only a snow storm is enough to knock down electric posts in Girona and leave a big part of the North of the country in the dark for more than a week. On the third night, Vicent Partal qualified it as Intolerable. What must be it when the time doubled?

The prejudice and the consequences are already more important than the ones suffered in Barcelona, and they go beyond the economical loss -said to be millions. A hundred people have been intoxicated by the fumes of generators and at least one has died due to that. The reaction, however, from the media and the blogosphere, has been notably minor. Is it because there is tiredness and resignation, or is it because the main affected is not Barcelona but the region of Girona?

To see how thousands and thousands of people have to spend their days and nights without electricity and below zero temperatures, due to lack of maintenance of the towers for many years by Endesa and REE, results with a pathetic image, more seen in a Third World country than a developed one, and that not long ago saw itself as an European economical motor. Colonist politicians have tried to centre the debate in the need for Very High Tension line (MAT, in Catalan) which only pretends to play in the interests of those companies and evade their responsibilities in no guaranteeing the maintenance of those infrastructures giving public services managed from Spain and divert the public's attention from the real problems of the people. Only direct information from citizens who see this situation from the spot allows us to have an approximate idea of the reality; experiences from elderly or infants being cold, fishermen emptying the petrol tanks of their ships to feed the emergency generators of the Hospital in Palamos, isolated families without enough food or water, people looking for a hotel or asking other relatives for somewhere to sleep or take a shower. The numbers of the thousands of consumers without electricity are watered down because always hide that with every consumer, more people from the family, from the firm, the hospital or school are affected.

In the reports by VilawebTV "Apagats" -"Switched off"- and "Passen les hores i no torna la llum" -"Hours go by and the power is not back"-, we can see the adventures that people have to imagine to carry on without electricity. On Facebook, the affected have set up a group, where the indignation for the abandonment to which these people are subject is very noticeable.





Economic plunder and the colonial condition of our Nation is manifested with all cruelty in emergency situations like this, but is a permanent practice more or less disguised. Because there is no difference in mentality between a public or private manager when there is a Spaniard in front of a Catalan consumer: the latter must pay or vote, and keep their mouth shut. It does not matter whether from the public powers or the private companies, the asphyxia to our economy and our decision capacity is an identity symbol. Spain grows and Catalonia sinks, while we allow this with our work and the taxes we pay. The incompatibility of wanting to live in Catalonia decently and defending dependency is progressively increasing.

All this is another symptom of the severe decadence to which Spain is leading us, fully consciously and premeditated if we do not act urgently. The solution, as pointed by Enric Canela in his weekly article on Deumil.cat, has to be rebellion. A democratic rebellion that has already begun and that has more people reacting by adding themselves to the cause of recovering the freedom for Catalonia.

Published at "Es Poblat de'n Talaiòtic"

Si no mantenemos el catalán vivo, nadie lo va a hacer por nosotros, nos vemos con esta obligación moral.

Tema: Carta de un alumno CATALAN a TELEMADRID

Carta des de Capellades.
Escribo esta carta para Telemadrid, espero que la lean y se pongan en mi lugar (sé que no va a ser así). Les hablo en castellano para que me entiendan  con facilidad  y no se tengan que esforzar en usar un traductor.

He visto su documental llamado 'Ciudadanos de segunda' ¿y saben qué? Me han hecho llorar. Suena penoso, ¿no? Me da igual, no tengo reparo en mostrar mis sentimientos.

Les contaré, me llamo Arnau, soy de un pueblo de 'la Anoia' (provincia de Barcelona ) llamado Capellades, de unos 5000 habitantes, he sido escolarizado toda mi vida en la escuela pública, donde nunca he destacado y siempre he ido justo a la hora de pasar cursos,  llegando a repetir 1º de bachillerato. Actualmente estoy cursando 2º del  ya dicho curso,  tengo dieciocho años. Sin embargo, me considero plenamente capaz de presentarles ya sea verbalmente o escrita cualquier tipo de argumentación en su lengua.

Y no solo me atrevo a decirles esto, sino que también me atrevo a  decirles que desconozco cualquier persona que no sea capaz de hacerlo. También me considero capaz de hablarles con suma facilidad en su lengua, me siento capaz de sentarme delante de ustedes y expresarles en castellano mis sentimientos con toda facilidad.

La supuesta discriminación que he sufrido en la educación catalana, me permite saber un idioma más que ustedes y utilizar el suyo en su máximo nivel, no tengo nada que envidiar a una persona de mi edad que resida en Madrid y se lo digo por experiencia.

¿Se creen que no soy capaz de leer el Quijote? Lo he leído, es más, hace dos años, a los 16. ¿Me creen incapaz de leer El Lazarillo de Tormes o 'la Celestina'? Se equivocan. ¿Creen que no me gusta Lorca? ¿Creen que no me gusta Machado? Se equivocan. ¿Creen que el castellano es una lengua extraña para mí? ¡Pero si es mi segunda lengua!, la domino a la perfección; ¡leo libros en castellano desde siempre!; de hecho, desde primero de ESO estoy obligado a leer tres libros de castellano por año y en primaria también tenía que leer uno por año, además, mi bachillerato incluye una asignatura llamada Literatura Castellana. Pero también leo por iniciativa propia en castellano, en mi tiempo de ocio me he leído todas las novelas de Harry Potter en castellano.

No soy de mente cerrada, la diversidad bien entendida, en la que una cultura no se come a la otra es un hecho enriquecedor desde mi humilde punto de vista. Yo soy catalán, independentista, de estos malos, como diría Joel Joan o Mikimoto.. Les podría meter un rollo de 25 páginas del porque me siento catalán y no español, pero se lo resumiré en una frase:

Porque estamos en el siglo XXI y me da la gana.

¿Qué van a hacer señores? ¿Lo que hizo Felipe V? ¿Lo que hizo Primo de Rivera? ¿Lo que hizo Franco? ¿O a caso estoy manipulando la historia y estas ilustres personas (para ustedes) fueron una eminencia respetando los derechos humanos y la libertad de expresión? No quiero entrar en detalles históricos de cada uno de estos personajes, porque así no me pueden acusar de modificar la historia, como siempre hacen. Todos sabemos que la historia la escriben los vencedores. Por cierto, mi bisabuelo era católico, pero catalanista, lo mató uno de estos tres señores que hicieron lo que ustedes quieren hacer a mi país, destruirlo.

Decirles también, y retomando el hilo anterior, que en mi instituto no todas las asignaturas comunes se hacen en catalán: he hecho, matemáticas, filosofía, literatura, inglés y sociales en castellano, además, en el resto de asignaturas, la mayoría de profesores optan por contestar en el idioma en que se les pregunta, cosa que encuentro totalmente mal ya que creo que a la larga, el castellano acabará sustituyendo el catalán en las aulas, relegándolo, pues, al uso familiar.

Las lenguas son como las especies, hay que protegerlas. La extinción de una lengua, tendría que ser traumática en ojos de cualquier humano (un español, por ejemplo), de lo contrario, este demuestra un racismo lingüístico total, un imperialismo, una poca sensibilidad que creía desaparecida del ciudadano español.

No hablamos catalán para molestar.. Si no mantenemos el catalán vivo, nadie lo va a hacer por nosotros, nos vemos con esta obligación moral. ¿Racistas, nosotros? En absoluto, acogemos a todo el mundo que no quiera destruir nuestra cultura imponiendo la suya, me da igual que vecino tenga, pero que respete el estatuto de la escalera y si no lo hace, si busca destruir mi escalera, le pediré con toda la educación del mundo que se vaya. Los catalanes no podemos ser racistas, nuestras raíces son mestizas al 100% y orgullosos, si señores, estoy orgulloso de la inmigración andaluza de los 60, orgullosísimo, la mayoría de mis amigos tienen raíces andaluzas, pero ellos se consideran catalanes y lo son tanto como yo, sin lugar a dudas...

Además, ¿como nos pueden considerar racistas si tenemos como presidente un hombre de origen andaluz y con mucha dificultad para hablar el catalán?, ¿seria el caso a la inversa  posible en Andalucía o Madrid ? No lo entiendo. Los racistas son ustedes, que quieren imponer su pensamiento en un lugar ajeno, considerando pues, el pensamiento de la gente de este lugar, inferior y menos válido, creando una discriminación evidente entre personas, que se puede tachar, pues, de racista.

Espero que lean mi carta, la he hecho rápido, desordenada y no he hecho un esquema previo como mi profesora de castellano dice. Espero que sepan leer entre líneas. Que sepan ustedes, que las lágrimas que me han hecho derramar riegan mi conciencia, que reside abierta y con ansias de libertad para mi pueblo. 'Ladran, luego cabalgamos', como se dice en castellano.


Les dejo con una frase en catalán, como en su documental:

Que les meves llàgrimes de ràbia ofeguin la vostra ignorància
GADES

Spain is a Risk - Freedom for Catalonia !

Spain is a Risk

From: Josep <jsort64@gmail.com>

Date: 28 de gener de 2010 10:27:11 GMT+01:00

To: josepsort@mac.com

Subject: [josepsort] SPAIN IS A RISK (Nouriel Roubini, dixit)

Ecspanya és un risc. Si ho dic jo, naturalment, té l'impacte que té. Però si ho diu un dels economistes que van predir la crisi econòmica actual, un any abans que es produís, llavors ja és una altra cosa.

I això, precisament, és el que va declarar ahir Nouriel Roubini, i que reprodueixen tots els mèdia del món mundial: Spain is a Risk, ho veureu escrit en tots els titulars dels diaris, a la tv, ho sentireu a la ràdio i als diaris digitals.

Està clar, no? Encara més. Roubini considera que en dos anys, és molt proble que l'eurozona es trenqui, i que els PIIGS (Portugal, Irlanda, Itàlia, Grècia i Ecspanya) tenen tots els números per sortir-ne.

I jo em pregunto: No tenim aquí un argument de pes per la Independència? Si ens traiem de sobre el llast que significa Ecspanya, Catalunya pot perfectament continuar a la zona euro i recuperar la cohesió i el benestar social que la nostra subordinació política i espoliació econòmica ens impedeix.

"Vota Euro, Vota Independència", proposo que sigui un dels eslògans de Reagrupament en la propera campanya electoral.

Un argument que espero que acabi convencent a aquells sectors que sempre tenen por. Bé, a partir d'ara, mentre Catalunya continuï sotmesa a Ecspanya, el risc de sortir de l'euro és ben real. Alguns convergents, patriotes sincers, en comptes de donar-me consells condescentdentment, hauríeu de posar-vos les piles i comprendre que la carta ecspanyola és una garantia de pobresa i periferització, i que l'única garantia que tenim d'estar a la primera divisió és la Independència.

Doncs a veure si actuem en conseqüència....

CATALONIA: Adding for independence

Friday, 22 January 2010

Adding for independence

Occupied countries have always suffered the stigma of division. It seems a previous condition to freedom. It is not strange, then, that our outstanding leaders have warned us about this danger and wave the flag of unity. One of them, writer Agusti Calvet -better known in History as Gaziel-, in the most difficult moments of our history, the beginning of the Francoist regime, wrote: "At this moment, I would sacrifice everything for the unity of Catalans. It is not that is an essential job; it is the only job".

Luckily, we do not live in a gloomy dictatorship, but we live in a time where every day are more who see that our future will be well dark if we do not achieve independence. It is one of the most important moments of our history, although we are conscious that achieving our objective will not be easy and, because of that it is prevailing amongst us the spirit of the union that was defended by Gaziel.

This is the intention that has urged the manifest "Suma Independència", presented on December 17th, in Barcelona, being one of the more that 1,900 signers to the date. Some voices have presented it as a competition against other options supporting of independence more or less consolidated in the eyes of the public opinion. Furthermore, there is always who sees it as a dark manoeuvre to divide the votes of those who wish the independence of Catalonia when, in fact, this vote is already divided from many years ago amongst different political forces with representation in the Parliament. Take a look at the number of supporters of independence voting CiU -Convergència i Unió-, ERC -Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya- or Iniciativa. Even some of them count in the rank and file of the PSC -Socialists-, some of their members collaborated enthusiastically in the organization of the ballots on the last December 13th. And we should not forget the big number of supporters of independence that remain at home every election. Would you like a bigger division of the vote than today?

Agglutinate all this vote, making it effective with view to our independence is not easy. Among other things, because the people know perfectly that, in election to the autonomous Parliament, we can only elect those who have to administrate the crumbs that are left by the Spanish power. Overturn this situation and transform the next elections to Parliament into a plebiscite for independence of Catalonia comes by articulating a front for the "yes", the widest and transversally possible. That means, a coalition where the only common denominator among all the participants is the proclamation of the Catalan State. The origin and political profile of its constituents must be varied and represent all sensibilities. It is not being "within" but "besides". Because a coalition is a temporary alliance of people or parties with a common objective, and nothing better than representing the wish for unity that is claimed by the big majority of patriots of our country. We know that in this union, neither we are equal nor we want to be. Who does like uniformity? Therefore, there will be big ones and smaller ones. This is the key to success, know how to combine potentials. One coalition stages an authentic team spirit and their most outstanding faces may be identifiable with the different shades within the movement supporting independence. We cannot be so ingenuous to believe that all who desire the independence of Catalonia will be willing to unite in only one of these shades and achieve absolute majority.

To crystallize this initiative, it is essential to see beyond our own lines and be able to build alliances and weave complicities. We can not minimize ourselves because all forces supporting independence, be it the smallest one, are necessary in this titanic battle. Valuing strengths and possibilites of one or the other goes beyond the simple number of militants. In these determining hours of our history, there is no place for childishness and school yard envies.

Catalonia demands to leave personal interests apart and to have a vision to go beyond our own convinced. The signers to "Suma Independència" are willing to make this gesture.

Who is accompanying us to add for freedom?

Santiago Espot
CEO Catalunya Acció

Comment on the article "The future of Catalonia: Of bulls and ballots", The Economist

Friday, 8 January 2010

Comment on the article "The future of Catalonia: Of bulls and ballots", The Economist

Almost a quarter of a million citizens of Catalonia, including new coming migrants, have already backed up the independence of Catalonia by voting in some 167 illegal polls. And this is only the first wave of ballots, as two more are to come. Perhaps we should remind the journalist that they were prohibited by the Spanish Courts. Interesting datum this one!

Also, why have you not mentioned that the actual question of debate -the Independence of the whole Catalan Nation, not only the Principality of Catalonia- is illegal in the so-called Spanish democratic Constitution? Is that an interested bias from you, or does it respond to an obscure diktat by certain Spanish institutions?

Anyway, Catalonia is on the road to independence, this is unstoppable. No matter how many articles against Catalonia are published on the media. Be sure that within the next few years -perhaps before-, Catalonia will achieve its freedom and will take its seat at the European Union institutions, among the 27 other independent countries that form this organism.

Catalonia, the Next State in Europe.
Jordi Margalef
Catalunya Acció UK

If you wish to read the full article by the Economist, please click on the link below:
http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=15212057#top

From the other hand, these polls have been the best campaign, at national and international level, never made for the cause of the freedom of Catalonia.

Saturday, 26 December 2009

Evaluation of the success of the polls for independence on December 13th

1. First, we would like to congratulate all the volunteers who have participated in the organization of the polls on December 13th. We must recognize that, thanks to their work, it has been possible to extend the first poll at Arenys de Munt to more than 160 municipalites in only three months, generating a never seen feeling of hope among the voters. All of them have worked as one and for a goal. And they have succeded.
   
   
2. The polls, as primaries of our independence that they really are, have made possible the quantification of 200000 Catalans ready to become active promoters of the independence of Catalonia. This is only with the first wave of ballots, without support from the big mass media, without electoral campaign or public funding. And this is the big result of these votes. And it the clear symptom of the beginning of a civic and democratic uprise that will spread around our country and has no stop.
   
   
3. From the other hand, these polls have been the best campaign, at national and international level, never made for the cause of the freedom of Catalonia. We have achieved that the topic of the independence of Catalonia was at the centre of the political debate, with the big mass media unable to silence it. Thanks to the big international impact and follow-up, we have been able to let the whole world know our wish for independence. As for Spain, with these polls, Catalans have demonstrated that we do not accept to live kneeling and they have not conquered nor will ever conquer us.
   
   
4. These votes have put on the table a new form of politics that has left all traditional political parties disarrayed. However, the initiative has been carried out making feasible and close to the people and idea that was unthinkable a year ago, an independent Catalan State.
   
   
5. And finally, we would like to highlight that, with the organizational quality of these polls and the overwhelming affirmative result, have sent a first quality message of democracy and order to our main allies, which will have to validate and recognize the Catalan State as a full right member within the international context at the moment we declare our independence.

Barcelona, December 17th 2009.

Evaluation of the success of the polls for independence on December 13th

Saturday, 26 December 2009

Evaluation of the success of the polls for independence on December 13th

1. First, we would like to congratulate all the volunteers who have participated in the organization of the polls on December 13th. We must recognize that, thanks to their work, it has been possible to extend the first poll at Arenys de Munt to more than 160 municipalites in only three months, generating a never seen feeling of hope among the voters. All of them have worked as one and for a goal. And they have succeded.
2. The polls, as primaries of our independence that they really are, have made possible the quantification of 200000 Catalans ready to become active promoters of the independence of Catalonia. This is only with the first wave of ballots, without support from the big mass media, without electoral campaign or public funding. And this is the big result of these votes. And it the clear symptom of the beginning of a civic and democratic uprise that will spread around our country and has no stop.
3. From the other hand, these polls have been the best campaign, at national and international level, never made for the cause of the freedom of Catalonia. We have achieved that the topic of the independence of Catalonia was at the centre of the political debate, with the big mass media unable to silence it. Thanks to the big international impact and follow-up, we have been able to let the whole world know our wish for independence. As for Spain, with these polls, Catalans have demonstrated that we do not accept to live kneeling and they have not conquered nor will ever conquer us.
4. These votes have put on the table a new form of politics that has left all traditional political parties disarrayed. However, the initiative has been carried out making feasible and close to the people and idea that was unthinkable a year ago, an independent Catalan State.
5. And finally, we would like to highlight that, with the organizational quality of these polls and the overwhelming affirmative result, have sent a first quality message of democracy and order to our main allies, which will have to validate and recognize the Catalan State as a full right member within the international context at the moment we declare our independence.

Barcelona, December 17th 2009.

theage.com.au - AUSTRALIA

Catalans vote in symbolic referendum

December 13, 2009

AFP
Some 170 towns and villages in Catalonia vote in symbolic independence referendums on Sunday, as a debate rages nationwide over how much autonomy the wealthy Spanish region should be allowed.
"Do you agree that Catalonia becomes a social, democratic and independent state, and member of the European Union?" will be the question put to some 700,000 eligible voters, or about 10 per cent of Catalonia's population of over seven million.
A sizeable minority in Catalonia would like to see the northeastern region, which accounts for 25 per cent of Spain's gross domestic product and which has its own Catalan language, achieve independence from Spain.
In a referendum last September in the small town of Arenys de Munt, 96 per cent of residents voted in favour of secession. Turnout was 41 per cent.
Sunday's vote also comes as Spain's Constitutional Court prepares to rule on the legality of the region's statute of autonomy, with fears that a negative decision could fuel further separatist sentiment.
The statute, approved by the Spanish parliament and endorsed by Catalan voters in a 2006 referendum, expanded the powers of the regional government, which, like other Spanish regions, already controlled most aspects of government.
Sunday's referendums organised by local associations and supported by some political parties and unions are non-binding, as Spain's constitution only allows such polls if they are mandated by the central government.
The statute has the support of the vast majority of political parties in the region and they have threatened to stage massive street demonstrations if any changes are made to it.
Further referendums are planned in other parts of the region, including the capital of Barcelona, and the cities of Girona and Lleida on February 28 and April 25.

13'D - ABCnews - AUSTRALIA

Print Email Share Add to My Stories

Catalans vote in symbolic independence referendum

Posted Mon Dec 14, 2009 1:22am AEDT
Updated Mon Dec 14, 2009 1:37am AEDT

Catalans have gone to the polls in an informal referendum over possible independence from Spain. (Reuters: Gustau Nacarino)

People in Catalonia voted in symbolic referendums on Sunday that organisers hope will be a step towards eventual independence from Spain for the wealthy northeastern region.

Some 700,000 Catalan residents in 166 towns and villages, or almost 10 per cent of the region's population, were called on to answer the question: "Do you agree that Catalonia become a social, democratic and independent state, and member of the European Union?"
The polls, of members of local associations and supported by some political parties and unions, are non-binding as Spain's constitution only allows referendums if they are mandated by the central government.
Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero said in Brussels on Friday that the referendums "are not going anywhere."
But organisers hope that a result in favour of independence, and with a turnout of at least 40 per cent, will push the issue up the political agenda throughout Spain.
"The turnout has been good," Uriel Bertran, the spokesman for the organisers, said at around midday.
"Tomorrow Catalonia will awake as if it is another country, with new hope."
A sizeable minority in Catalonia would already like to see the region, which accounts for 25 per cent of Spain's gross domestic product and which has its own Catalan language, achieve independence from Spain.
"Catalonia is dying, they are killing it and we must react," Joan Laporta, the chairman of Barcelona Football Club, told the newspaper El Pais on Sunday.
"No Catalan can accept the fiscal pillaging that we are suffering nor the attacks on the rights and freedoms of Catalonia."
In a precursor to Sunday's vote, 96 per cent of residents in the small town of Arenys de Munt voted in September in favour of Catalan independence. Turnout was 41 per cent.
On Saturday, Sant Jaume de Frontanya, the smallest village in Catalonia, held an early referendum, with 18 of its 21 registered voters backing independence.
Further referendums are already planned in other parts of the region, including the capital of Barcelona, and the cities of Girona and Lleida, early next year.
Sunday's vote also comes as Spain's Constitutional Court prepares to rule on the legality of the region's statute of autonomy, with fears that a negative decision could fuel separatist sentiment.
The statute, approved by the Spanish parliament and endorsed by Catalan voters in a 2006 referendum, gave the regional parliament enhanced powers in taxation and judicial matters as well as more control over airports, ports and immigration.
Catalonia, like other Spanish regions, already controlled most aspects of government, including health and education.
Most controversially, the statute describes the region as a "nation" within Spain.
The conservative opposition Popular Party called on the Constitutional Court to review the document.
A rejection of the statute "would be an unacceptable humiliation for Catalans," said Laporta.
Teams of international observers from regions of the world with independence or secessionist movements are attending Sunday's vote.
They include a representative of the Scottish National Party, Christopher White, a member of Ireland's Catholic republican Sinn Fein party, Joe Reilly, and others from Italy's South Tyrol region, the French island of Corsica, Belgium's Flemish region and from the province of Quebec in Canada.
Also observing the vote are political representatives from Spain's Galicia and Basque regions, which both have independence movements.
- AFP

13'D - The Sydney Morning Herald

Catalans vote in symbolic referendum

December 13, 2009

AFP
Some 170 towns and villages in Catalonia vote in symbolic independence referendums on Sunday, as a debate rages nationwide over how much autonomy the wealthy Spanish region should be allowed.
"Do you agree that Catalonia becomes a social, democratic and independent state, and member of the European Union?" will be the question put to some 700,000 eligible voters, or about 10 per cent of Catalonia's population of over seven million.
A sizeable minority in Catalonia would like to see the northeastern region, which accounts for 25 per cent of Spain's gross domestic product and which has its own Catalan language, achieve independence from Spain.
In a referendum last September in the small town of Arenys de Munt, 96 per cent of residents voted in favour of secession. Turnout was 41 per cent.
Sunday's vote also comes as Spain's Constitutional Court prepares to rule on the legality of the region's statute of autonomy, with fears that a negative decision could fuel further separatist sentiment.
The statute, approved by the Spanish parliament and endorsed by Catalan voters in a 2006 referendum, expanded the powers of the regional government, which, like other Spanish regions, already controlled most aspects of government.
Sunday's referendums organised by local associations and supported by some political parties and unions are non-binding, as Spain's constitution only allows such polls if they are mandated by the central government.
The statute has the support of the vast majority of political parties in the region and they have threatened to stage massive street demonstrations if any changes are made to it.
Further referendums are planned in other parts of the region, including the capital of Barcelona, and the cities of Girona and Lleida on February 28 and April 25.

David Carroll, Director of Carter Center to To Alfons Lopez Tena.

---------------------------------

DEMOCRACY PROGRAM
ONE COPENHILL · 453 FREEDOM PARKWAY · ATLANTA, GEORGIA 30307 · (404) 420·5188 · FAX (404) 420·5196


December 2, 2009

Alfons Lopez Tena
Chief Executive Officer
Osona Decideix

To Alfons Lopez Tena:
Thank you for your letter to President Carter inviting The Carter Center to observe the upcoming referendum in Catolonia December 13, 2009. As you may know, the Carter Center uses several criteria to determine whether or not to observe an election. Generally, we only observe elections in countries where the elections represent a critical transition for the country, where it appears that the Center’s presence may be critical to the success of the election, and where the major political parties and the electoral authority request or welcome our involvement. In such circumstances, and depending on existing commitments, the time remaining before the elections, and available funding levels, the Center then decides whether to accept an invitation to observe the electoral process in question.

Given the short timeframe, as well as our ongoing involvement in Sudan, Bolivia, Cote d’Ivoire, Nepal and the Palestinian Territories, circumstances preclude us from accepting your invitation at this time. Nonetheless, we appreciate your interest in inviting international observers and in having explored a role for the Carter Center.

The Carter Center has collaborated with the United Nations Secretariat, the National Democratic Institute, the European Union, and other international election observers to adopt a Declaration of Principles and Code of Conduct for International Election Observers. This document was endorsed at the United Nations in New York on October 27, 2005. The Declaration provides important guidelines for election observers and stands as a common basis upon which all international observers may be accountable (the text is available in all official languages of the UN at www.cartercenter.org). Some of these endorsing organizations may have plans to observe the elections in Catalonia and could provide the independent and non-partisan evaluation that you seek.

The Center wishes the best for Catalonia and will continue to follow events with interest.

Sincerely,

Dr. David Carroll
Director

in defence of democracy and freedom for Catalonia.

Friday, 13 November 2009
Armistice Day


Ninety-one years ago, November 11th 1918, in a train carriage in the Compiègne Forest, the Armistice between France and Germany was signed. Curiously, the place is not far from where the War had begun four years before. The signature of the Armistice meant the end of the hostilities in the Western Front and was signed by Marshall Foch, the Allied Commander-in-Chief, and Matthias Erzberger, representative for Germany.

The treaty observed the end of warfare in all remaining fronts at 11:00 hours of that day, hence the saying "eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh month", although the definitive peace between the Allies and Germany was not signed until a year later in Versailles, Paris. The Armistice established a monthly self-renewal clause unless Germany resumed hostilities, to which the Allies would respond in 48 hours.

Here is the account by Col. Gowenlock, who served as an intelligence officer for the US Army, and was at the front line that very same day.

"On the morning of November 11 I sat in my dugout in Le Gros Faux, which was again our division headquarters, talking to our Chief of Staff, Colonel John Greely, and Lieutenant Colonel Paul Peabody, our G-1. A signal corps officer entered and handed us the following message:

Official Radio from Paris - 6:01 A.M., Nov. 11, 1918. Marshal Foch to the Commander-in-Chief.

1. Hostilities will be stopped on the entire front beginning at 11 o'clock, November 11th (French hour).
2. The Allied troops will not go beyond the line reached at that hour on that date until further orders.
[signed]
MARSHAL FOCH
5:45 A.M.


Although Spain had remained neutral, there were Catalan volunteers fighting in the French Foreign Legion. The exact numbers are still uncertain. It had been speculated with figures between 10 and 20 thousand volunteers but following investigations by David Martinez i Fiol, who searched through Joan Soler i Pla's studies and French Foreign Legion archives, rather obscure and confusing, and concluded the real figure was 954 volunteers, including 48 Northern Catalans from Rosselló. Such discrepancy in the numbers would be caused by the Catalan nationalists willing to appear important, the conception that only anti-Catalan nationalists would negate the figures and the cruel death toll of the Influenza Pandemic of 1918, which was especially increased in Spain. Martinez i Fiol sustains that a mix up in the figures of both, along with more political reasons, had originated the discrepancy.

However meagre the number of volunteers might seem, the political repercussion within Catalonia was very notable. Important nationalist political figures of the time, Domènec Martí i Julià and Antoni Rovira i Virgili, among others, considered that Catalonia ought to have independent political relationships with the rest of the world to become independent from Spain. Even Francesc Cambó, leader of the "Lliga Catalanista" gave this cause some support, quickly withdrawn after taking possession of a Ministry in Madrid. Also, the French victory at the Battle of the Marne, 1914, which stopped the German advance in Europe, leaded by the Northern Catalan Marshal Josep(h) Joffre, made the Allied cause very popular among Catalans from the South of the border.

To help Catalan Volunteers in the Front, it was created the "Comitè de Germanor dels Voluntaris Catalans", supporting committees for the Catalan volunteers in the trenches. They even minted the "medal to the Catalan Volunteers", to be given to Catalan survivors of the War. Several Catalan politicians gave them support, but the death of J. Ferrés-Costa and Camil Campanyà during the Battle of the Somme, in 1916, the two more popular members of the contingent, frustrated the creation of a solid link among the soldiers and the politicians. The disturbances of the General Strike in Spain, the fall of the Unió Catalanista, the suspension of the Courts by Dato, the death of Martí i Julià and the Russian Revolution, all in 1917, decreased the popular support to the Volunteers too. The Russian Revolution caused the French High Command to be sceptical about the political aspirations of the Catalans, considering they were revolutionaries.

One of the Catalan personalties that took a significant support for the Allies was Francesc Macià. He covered the Battle of Verdun, late 1916, for the newspaper "La Publicidad" and gave the readers a very graphical description of the causes of the conflict, life in the trenches, and the destruction caused by the war. The months that Macià spent in France had great impact in his future political thought, strengthening his nationalism. The future Catalan President, and who proclaimed the Catalan Republic independent from Spain in 1931, returned to Catalonia certainly radicalised from what he had seen in France. Just a few years later, in 1922, Macià created Estat Català, the organization in which modern Catalan support for independence is based on.

In order to never forget who has given their lives in defence of democracy and freedom for Catalonia, to recognise the significance of a war that caused around 15 million dead and 21 million wounded, let this article be a small homage from Catalunya Acció to all who gave everything in "the war to end all wars".

Jordi Margalef i Turull
Catalunya Acció UK

Treaty of the Pyrenees; 350th anniversary of the partition of Catalonia between Spain and France.

Thursday, 5 November 2009
Treaty of the Pyrenees; 350th anniversary of the partition of Catalonia between Spain and France


The Treaty of the Pyrenees -or Peace of the Pyrenees- was signed on November 7, 1659, by the representatives of Philippe IV of Castile and III of Aragon, Luis de Haro and Pedro Coloma, and the representatives of Luis XIV of France, Cardinal Mazzarin and Hugues de Lionne, on the Pheasants Island (Bidasoa River, at the limits of the Northern Basque country), and ended the conflict of the Thirty Years War. One of the consequences of this Treaty was the transfer of the county of Rousillon and part of the Cerdanya to France.

Philip IV negotiated this Treaty without consultation to the Catalan Court nor the affected. In fact, he hid it from them, and did not officially inform Catalan institutions until the Courts in 1702. The affected territories conspired for years to reunite again with the Principality, and the Catalan authorities resisted to accept partition, that was not effective until 1720.

The Catalan territory was divided against the will of the Catalan institutions, against the Oath for the Islands, from which the territories of the former Kingdom of Majorca could not be separated from the territories of the Crown of Aragon, by the will of the Hispanic monarchy to hand over the territories of the North of Catalonia in exchange for keeping the possessions in Flanders. Differently from Gibraltar or Minorca, handed over to England in 1713 by the Treaty of Utrecht, not one Spanish government has reclaimed the devolution of the Northern Catalan territories handed over in the Treaty of the Pyrenees. Usually this Treaty is considered a part of the Treaties of Westphalia, from which it is considered a consequence.

Background

France entered the Thirty Years War after the Spanish victories against the revolted Dutch, in 1620, and against the Swedish at Nördlingen in 1634. In 1640, France started interfering in the Spanish politics, positioning in favour of Catalonia during the Reaper's War, while Spain gave them support during the Fronde in 1648. In the negotiations of the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648, France won the territories of the Alsace and Lorena and cut the access of Spain to Holland from Austria. This caused the War between Spain and France. After 10 years, France –allied to England- won the battle of the Dunes, in 1658, and peace was signed in 1659.

The negotiations

During the negotiations to delimit the border, Luis de Haro, Philip IV's representative, tried to preserve the counties of the Rousillon and Cerdanya for the Crown. French negotiators presented a line for the border very favourable to their interests, while the Castilian representatives, ignoring the characteristics and customs of these territories and the illegality of the separation -Oath for the Islands-, preferred to defend the positions in Flanders before keeping territorial unity in The Principality.

The fact that the skilful negotiators chosen by Louis XIV, Cardinal Jules Mazzarin, Pèire de Marca, Plessis de Besançon and Ramon Trobat had great knowledge of the land and history of Catalonia, unlike the negotiators chosen by the Spanish monarch, while holding the talks behind the Catalan government backs, had a very negative influence in the results of the Treaty for Spain. Mazzarin defended, as indicates in a letter still kept, speaking about Monts, “j'ay fait expliquer que ce sont ceux qui separent de toutte ancianneté des Gaules d'avec les Espagnes”, “… the Pyrenees separated the Gaul from Spain since ancient times”, skilful historical vaguish that fed Spanish vanity, keen on building her own History, but that created to successive problems of definition that had to be resolved in successive Treaties.

The Treaty that established that, from the County of Cerdanya, thirty-three towns had to be handed over to France. These were defined in 1660, at the Conference of Ceret and at the definitive Treaty of Llívia, under which the new border between the territories of the two crowns was drawn and were the Philip IV’s representatives got to retain Llívia with the argument that it was a “village” and not a “town” –see the note about Llívia and the extract of the text.

In total, French crown won the territories of the County of Rosselló –that included the Vallespir, Conflent and Capcir- and half of the Cerdanya; Artois, Luxembourg and Flanders. The border with the Spanish crown was fixed following the Pyrenees only in part, except the “village” of Llívia. If the line of the Pyrenees had to be followed, by the Corberes, all the Northern Catalonia had not passed to France. In return, the French returned the Charolais and the conquests of Italy to Spain.

The Treaty previewed the marriage between Louis XIV of France and Maria Theresa of Austria, daughter to Philip IV of Castile. Maria Theresa had to renounce to her successor rights to the Spanish throne, in exchange for an economical compensation that had to form part of the dowry. This compensation was never paid and was one of the factors that concluded in the Spanish Succession War, 1702.

Consequences to Catalonia

Catalonia was a very important piece in the chequer of the international politics since the Reaper’s War. She has demonstrated largely her capacity to destabilize Spanish monarchy. Catalonia had the disgrace to be the hinge between the two great powers of the time.

The territories of the Northern Catalonia annexed to France with the Treaty (Rosselló, Conflent, Vallespir, half Cerdanya and Capcir) have reminded under French dominie since then.

The Treaty included to preserve all Catalan institutions Northern from the Pyrenees, but this part was not respected by the French King Louis XIV –the simple-. A year later from the signature, Catalan institutions were dissolved –Generalitat, consulates, etc- despite the Treaty said to conserve them.

A Royal Decree, on April 2nd 1700, to be applied from May 1st of that year, prohibited the use of Catalan language in official acts of any kind. From then, French is still the only official language and the only one that is being used in the public education. Recently, France has modified her Constitution, including in the 2nd article “la langue de la République est le français”, the language of the Republic is French. This article is often used to negate grants or to refuse the presence of the Catalan language in the bureaucracy.

After the Treaty of the Pyrenees, there are the following years of war: 1667-68, 1673-78, 1680-84, 1689-97. In all those periods, the Treaty of the Pyrenees has no effect. The very Cerdanya passed from one hand to the other in numerous occasions. There, the Church border did not coincide with the real border until 1802. Thirty-three towns of French Cerdanya still belonged to the Bishop of Urgell.

The nearest weekend to November 7th has become, every year, the date chosen for Catalans to demonstrate in Perpinyà, in favour of Catalonia and the Catalan language.

Extract

“Having convened within the negotiation that began in Madrid in 1656, about the foundation of which is this Treaty, that the Pyrenees mountains, that commonly have always been held by division between the Spains and the Gauls, were from here and always the division of the same kingdoms too”.

Article 42:

“Has been convened and accorded that the Mr King Chr will remain possessing and will effectively enjoy all the County and vegueries of the Roussillon, and the County and vegueria of Conflent, and that to Mr Catholic King has to remain the County of Cerdanya and all the Principality of Cataloina […]; well understood that if there were places of such County of Conflent only, not Roussillon, that would be found to be within such mount Pyrenees, in the Spanish part, would remain to the Catholic Majesty; as well as if there are places and the vegueria of Cerdanya only, that would be within said mountains, will remain to Majesty chris”.

References

Èrika Serna i Coba, "Aproximació a l'estudi del Tractat dels Pirineus: les conferències de Figueres (1660-1666)", Annals de l'Institut d'Estudis Empordanesos, 21 (1988), 111-134.

External links

El Tractat dels Pirineus al Museu d'Història de Catalunya
El Tractat dels Pirineus a El Talp.
La duana de Sant Lllorenç de la Muga i el Tractat dels Pirineus article de Marià Baig.
(francès) Text complet del Tractat transcripció dels arxius nacionals de França (en PDF)
Carta Europea de les Llengües Regionals o Minoritàries
Resolució del Parlament Europeu de 30 d'octubre de 1987 sobre les llengües i cultures de les minories regionals i ètniques de la Comunitat Europea

Published by radiocatalunya.ca