Thursday, April 17, 2008

"An independent Scotland"

3 An independent Scotland:


To go beyond enhanced devolution to independence would involve bringing to an end the United Kingdom Parliament's powers to legislate for Scotland, and the competence of United Kingdom Ministers to exercise executive powers in respect of Scotland. All of the remaining reservations in the Scotland Act would cease to have effect, and the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government would acquire responsibility for all domestic and international policy, similar to that of independent states everywhere, subject to the provisions of the European Union Treaties and other inherited treaty obligations.


3.1 The previous chapter has explored further devolved responsibilities that could be given to the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government. This chapter considers what additional steps would need to be taken for Scotland to move to full independence, like other countries in Europe and beyond. During the 20th century, over 150 new independent states were created, a large proportion through de-colonisation and the break up of the former Communist states in central and eastern Europe. Independence has therefore become a normal constitutional position for countries like Scotland in Europe and world-wide, and the nature and status of independent, sovereign countries are well understood.

Scotland as a nation

3.2 Scotland's long-standing union with the other nations of the United Kingdom is based on the Union of the Crowns of 1603, and the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1801. These provide the political and legal underpinning of the current constitutional position of Scotland, supplemented by subsequent constitutional legislation, such as the Reform Acts, the Representation of the People Acts, the Parliament Acts, the European Communities Act, the Human Rights and Freedom of Information Acts, and the Scotland Act.

3.3 The Union created by these Acts did not remove from the people of Scotland their fundamental political right to determine their own constitutional future. The Republic of Ireland and the countries of the former British Empire chose to move to independence from similar constitutional arrangements. The people of Scotland remain sovereign and have the same right to choose the form of their own government as the peoples of other nations that have secured independence after periods of union with, or in, other states.

3.4 In terms of the fundamental Acts underpinning the Union, the Union of 1801 with Ireland has already undergone substantial revision. The Act of Union of 1707 is the focus of debate for further change or indeed repeal; however, the Union of the Crowns of 1603 would continue even after repeal of the 1707 Act.

3.5 Scotland is a recognised political and territorial entity, with its own legal system, borders, and other independent institutions, some of which were deliberately retained within the Union as conditions of its coming into and remaining in effect. Its territorial extent is not disputed. Scotland's maritime boundaries and share of the continental shelf would need to be formally set down, but there are well-established legal principles for doing so.

3.6 Scotland therefore already possesses certain essential elements of statehood: an agreed territorial extent, and an acknowledged political and institutional identity. The people of Scotland have a continuing right to determine their own constitutional position, whether they choose that of an independent sovereign state, or that of membership of the United Kingdom as at present, with or without enhancement of the devolution scheme.

The Scottish Parliament in an independent Scotland

3.7 For Scotland to achieve full independence, the United Kingdom Parliament must cease to have competence to legislate for Scotland and the United Kingdom Government must cease to have competence in respect of executive action in Scotland. Correspondingly, the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government would assume the full range of competence, duties and responsibilities accorded to sovereign states under international law.

3.8 Renunciation of the competence of the United Kingdom Parliament to legislate for Scotland would require an Act of that Parliament, which would exclude Scotland from its territorial competence and otherwise recognise the status of Scotland as an independent sovereign state. Consequentially, the composition of the House of Commons would have to be changed to remove representation of Scottish constituencies. Further detailed provisions of that Act and complementary legislation in the Scottish Parliament would reflect the outcome of the negotiations between the Scottish and United Kingdom Governments that would precede the transition to independence.

3.9 Scottish legislation concerning the transfer of competence and achievement of independence would need to re-establish the Scottish Parliament on a foundation other than an Act of the United Kingdom Parliament, that is the Scotland Act. Initially, however, it would not be necessary to change the essentials of the framework laid out in the Scotland Act, and legitimised by broad consensus in the country following on the work of the Scottish Constitutional Convention and the referendum of 1997. Membership, elections, chamber and committee structures and proceedings, standing orders and legislative procedures could all continue in their current form. In other aspects, for example, concerning the judicial review of legislation for conformity with human rights obligations, provisions would have to be made to reflect the new circumstances of independence.

3.10 Similarly, the current provisions for an executive branch laid out in the Scotland Act would also provide an initial model for the government of an independent Scotland. The structure of First (or Prime) Minister, Cabinet and Junior Ministers, and Law Officers, and the framework for their powers and accountability to Parliament, would provide a functioning institutional arrangement, although the underpinning legislation is again likely to require extensive revision.

3.11 The Scottish courts and judiciary would remain constituted as at present, but with cessation of appeals beyond the Scottish courts either to the House of Lords and Privy Council, or (in due course) to the United Kingdom Supreme Court. As noted, provision would need to be made concerning the scope of judicial review both in respect of legislative powers of the Scottish Parliament and in respect of executive powers of Ministers. Arrangements would be needed to secure the continuing independence of the judiciary.

3.12 With independence, the Scottish Government would assume from United Kingdom Government Ministers full Ministerial responsibility and functions for currently reserved areas, in addition to their existing powers in devolved areas, and would be accountable to the Scottish Parliament for their exercise of these responsibilities. Consideration would need to be given to the Ministerial and official structure required to support additional functions, and the appropriate arrangements for Parliament to exercise its scrutiny function. This might involve some expansion or re-organisation of existing capacity within the Scottish Government, as well as the committee structure and other business at Holyrood.

3.13 The future of existing cross-border or United Kingdom public bodies would need to be decided, with a view to ensuring continued effective co-operation, while bringing such bodies, as far as they operate in Scotland, within the competence of the Scottish Parliament and the Scottish Government, so as to provide proper accountability and democratic scrutiny of their actions in Scotland. Consideration would also have to be given to the pay, and other terms and conditions, of employees of continuing cross-border service providers, as well as any current United Kingdom-wide pay agreements.

Negotiations with the United Kingdom Government and others

3.14 Transition to independence would require negotiations between the Scottish and United Kingdom Governments in relation to the terms of independence, as well as the arrangements for the transition itself. These negotiations would have to cover sharing the assets and liabilities of the United Kingdom between the remaining parts of the United Kingdom and an independent Scotland. These would include such matters as: apportionment of the national debt; allocation of reserved assets, such as the United Kingdom official reserves, the BBC, and overseas missions of the Foreign Office; future liabilities on public sector pensions, and social security benefits; the split of the defence estate and the equipment of the armed forces.

3.15 Mechanisms would need to be devised to tackle areas of common interest, such as the succession to the throne (as the Union of the Crowns of 1603 would continue). The position of individuals in reserved areas of public service would need to be agreed, particularly the options for those in the armed forces, the diplomatic service and home civil service, and the Revenue and Customs service. Any issues concerning the borders of an independent Scotland, particularly the continental shelf, would also have to be negotiated, but in a manner that respects the governing principles of international law in such matters.

3.16 These issues are likely to be dealt with in an overall agreement between the United Kingdom Government and the Scottish Government, enshrined in legislation enacted at both Westminster and Holyrood, to allow both Parliaments the opportunity to consider and agree matters affecting both Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom.

3.17 At the beginning of such a process of negotiation, arrangements should be agreed for arbitration under the principles of international law of any issues which the parties find themselves unable to resolve by mutual agreement.

3.18 Negotiations would also be required concerning the terms of Scotland's (and the rest of the United Kingdom's) continuing membership of the European Union and other international bodies to which Scotland currently belongs as a component nation of the United Kingdom. Such negotiations would necessarily involve both the Scottish and United Kingdom Governments, together with international partners.

Consequences of independence

3.19 The major consequence of independence would be the assumption by the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government of responsibility for those areas reserved to the United Kingdom Parliament and the United Kingdom Government. The significance of this change would depend on the extent to which further responsibility had previously been devolved to the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government in the areas discussed in the last chapter. However, an independent Scotland would have responsibility for macro-economics, defence and foreign affairs in a way that would not be possible while Scotland remains within the United Kingdom.

Foreign affairs

3.20 An independent Scotland would be recognised as a state in its own right by the international community. It would be able to develop its own foreign policy to promote Scotland's interests internationally, and engage with other states as an equal partner. It would be able to negotiate memberships of international organisations, or enter or withdraw from such bodies, in the same way as other independent nations.

3.21 An independent Scotland would continue in the European Union and bear the burdens and fulfil the responsibilities of membership. Following negotiations on the detailed terms of membership, Scotland would be in a similar position to other European Union member states of a similar size. As a full member of the European Union, Scotland would have the normal rights of representation in its institutions, with an equal status to the other member states. For example, Scotland would expect representation in the European Parliament nearer to that of Denmark, which has 14 members, rather than the current seven members that represent Scotland (which may be reduced to six). Scotland would be bound by the laws of the European Union, but on a level playing field with other full member states. The distinctive interests of Scotland as a member state would be properly represented through the Council of Ministers and the European Council, and the required transposition of European directives and regulations into domestic law would be done with due regard to their effect in Scotland.

3.22 With independence, Scotland would become a full member of the United Nations and other international bodies, such as the Commonwealth, the World Health Organization, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and the World Trade Organisation. This would give Scotland its own voice on the international stage, allow the distinctive views of its people to be expressed on the range of issues facing the world today, and allow Scottish Ministers to argue for Scottish interests in international negotiations directly affecting the interests of the nation (for example, on international trade).


3.23 An independent Scotland could also develop its own voice, and its own distinctive contribution, in the area of defence. Scotland has a proud military tradition, which was represented in the historic Scottish regiments, and the naval, army and air force bases that have for many years provided a home in Scotland for the armed forces of the United Kingdom. With independence, Scotland could decide to continue with membership of current international defence alliances, principally NATO, or could opt, like Ireland and Sweden, for a defence posture outside a nuclear-armed alliance but within other co-operation bodies, such as the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Western European Union and the Partnership for Peace programme. An independent Scotland would also have to consider the role and scale of its armed forces, and might choose to emphasise international peacekeeping and disaster relief missions. Independence would allow the people of Scotland, the Scottish Parliament and the Scottish Government to have the final say in all of these matters, and in whether Scottish armed forces participate in military actions, such as Iraq.

3.24 An independent Scotland could accede to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear weapon state, as have other successor states to nuclear weapon states. Scotland could not then possess nuclear weapons. The nuclear-armed submarines of the Royal Navy would have to be removed from Scotland, and based elsewhere. Whether the remainder of the United Kingdom continued to retain a nuclear deterrent would be a matter for that state to decide.

The countries of Britain as United Kingdoms and European partners

3.25 On independence, Her Majesty The Queen would remain the Head of State in Scotland. The current parliamentary and political Union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland would become a monarchical and social Union - United Kingdoms rather than a United Kingdom - maintaining a relationship first forged in 1603 by the Union of the Crowns.

3.26 Within this relationship, a broad range of cultural, social, and policy initiatives would continue and it is likely that both an independent Scotland and the remainder of the United Kingdom would seek to maintain a series of cross-border partnerships and services. As members of the European Union, both would enjoy full access to each other's markets. An independent Scottish Government could also look to build on the existing close working relationships within the current United Kingdom and with the Republic of Ireland, and could maintain partnership and co-operation through an effective British-Irish Council (further discussion of the British-Irish Council is in the next chapter).

3.27 Independence for Scotland in the 21st century would reflect the reality of existing and growing interdependence: partnership in these Islands and more widely across Europe.

Tuesday, April 15, 2008

Retratos y contra retratos de un pronto divorcio. España y Catalunya no se entienden!

Cartas al Director (de un periódico cualesquiera)

Asunto: RV: carta anticatalanista diari ElMundo
J. Vaderribas escrivió una carta brutal contra Catalunya t los catalanes en el diario EL MUNDO... Léase también la respuesta del Sr. Jordi Net. Es buenísima!

Carta de J. Vaderribas publicada a EL MUNDO:

* Vaya por delante que mi simpatía por vascos y catalanes es la misma, es decir, ninguna. Pero al menos sé distinguir entre un adversario válido y otro que no lo es. Dicha distinción es muy importante para todo español que se precie, cuyo objetivo en la vida debe ser dar por riclitados los nacionalismos periféricos. Aunque el nacionalismo vasco está emponzoñado por los crímenes abyectos de la banda etarra, son un rival de mucha más enjundia para la nación española que los siempre timoratos catalanes. Y voy a tratar de explicar el por qué. Mientras los vascos han sido siempre un elemento incómodo en todas las invasiones que ha padecido la península, (romanos, godos, árabes), los catalanes se han dejado siempre conquistar por el primero que ha pasado por allí. A un lado la resistencia al invasor, al otro, los fenicios que por un plato de lentejas dejan que se mancille su honor. De hecho, un castellano recio siempre se sentirá más identificado con el carácter rudo y batallador del vasco, dejando momentáneamente a un lado el episodio repugnante que lleva a cabo una banda de asesinos desalmados, que con la falta de carácter, el "acongojamiento", el rechazo al enfrentamiento y el amor por el dinero y no por lo propio que caracteriza a nuestros particulares judíos.

* Por todo esto, no me extraña que al primer ataque serio que se le plantea al nuevo gobierno de la Generalidad, sean los propios catalanes los que sacrifiquen a Carod. Mientras los vascos recibieron una presión incomparablemente superior durante el periodo previo a las últimas elecciones autonómicas, y por desgracia para la nación española con resultado nefasto para nuestros intereses, en Cataluña no han sabido resistir ni el primer achuchón. Era de esperar, no tienen sangre. Ellos mismos destruyen a sus líderes. No tengamos ninguna duda de que con un par de escaramuzas más, el gobierno de la Generalidad caerá, se convocarán elecciones anticipadas y volverán a gobernar CiU y el PP. Todo debe estar bajo control. Dicen mis contactos en Cataluña que ERC, de hecho el único intento mínimamente serio de ponernos un poco nerviosos, va a quedar electoralmente diezmada el 14-M, mientras que los siempre dóciles chicos de Pujol van a salir ganando de este embrollo. Y ya sabemos que a esta gente con un par de contactos económicos se les tiene más que domesticados. De hecho, encarnan al auténtico fenicio. En definitiva, y para apagar los temores de un buen amigo mío, nuestra auténtica preocupación debe estar centrada en el norte. Los catalanes se anulan ellos mismos, y si se ponen un poco nerviosos, sacamos la tontería del fútbol (el Barsa, ese gran narcótico) y ya están entretenidos para unas cuantas semanas.



* EN RESPUESTA A SU CARTA: Apreciado Sr. Vaderribas, Vaya por delante que mi simpatía por los ignorantes prepotentes y los chulos castizos es la misma, es decir, ninguna. Puestos a buscar "adversarios", usted, con su prepotencia, incultura y defachatez me va como anillo al dedo. La gente como usted y los de ETA son dos caras de la misma moneda. El nacionalismo español ha sido siempre ofensivo e imperialista, es decir, criminal, como el de ETA. Ustedes, adversarios nacionalistas españoles, se piensan que España es el centro del mundo y que los que no son castellanos recios y vascos fornidos, son unos cagados y unos comemierda. Lo más grave es que se lo dejen escribir en un medio de comunicación público. Veamos, si usted tuviera dos dedos de frente, debería ser más riguroso con la historia y no trepanar las mentes blandas de sus compatriotas con falsedades. Los catalanes no existíamos en la época de los fenicios, ni en la romana, ni prácticamente en la visigoda. Tampoco existían los castellanos, ni mucho menos los españoles. En cuanto a los vascos, no lo tengo claro (¿podríamos decir que eran los íberos?). De hecho, los catalanes existimos, como nación, desde el año 865 aprox. Llegamos a ser una gran nación hasta el 1412, cuando desgraciadamente se extinguió la dinastía catalana con el último rey Catalanoaragonés, Martí L'Humà.

* En el Compromiso de Caspe, las Cortes Catalanas decidieron (equivocadamente) pasar a una dinastía castellana con la condición de que ésta respetaría las leyes e instituciones de Catalunya, representadas por la Generalitat. Está claro que la mente castellana no estaba preparada para respetar acuerdos, y por lo que veo, no lo estará nunca. Desde entonces han tratado sistemáticamente de violarlos. Si esto se lo hiciéramos nosotros a ustedes, nos llamarían traidores, innobles y nazis, pero como son ustedes quienes lo hacen, se quedan más tranquilos si piensan que nos dejamos prostituir por dinero. Esto me lleva a pensar en su obsesión por que nosotros sólo pensamos > en el dinero. Tienen ustedes además la virtud de vomitar lo primero que les viene a la cabeza, y como uno de sus principales defectos es la envidia, nos achacan constantemente que sólo pensamos en el dinero (lo mismo que les pasa a los judíos en otras partes). > Esto viene de la época en que, después de haber expoliado las Américas, su declive les llevó a morirse de hambre y se dieron cuenta de que tenían unas "provincias" periféricas donde curiosamente, por no haberlas dejado ir a saquear las Américas (esa es su mentalidad), se lo habían tenido que currar en su país, creando riqueza de la nada con su industria floreciente.

* Pues bien, a pesar de lo que les asqueaban los industriales catalanes "por su afán por el dinero", no les asqueaba emigrar a su país para ganárselo y mucho menos recibirlo de los impuestos que con habilidad fenicia gestionaban (para sus batallitas y dispendios en la Villa).

* Otros países como Holanda, Inglaterra, Italia, etc., hacían (y hacen) lo que hacíamos (y hacemos) los catalanes. Parece que ellos tienen todo el derecho del mundo de hacerlo, no así los catalanes ni los judíos. Hablando de batallas, decirle, adversario inculto, que la que perdimos en 1714, o mejor dicho, la que ganaron ustedes, gracias a su gran "bravura y arrojo", se debió a que Inglaterra nos traicionó. Resulta que el Archiduque Carlos, nuestro candidato a heredar el trono de Carlos II, heredó durante la contienda la corona de Austria, y por tanto, al equilibrarse las fuerzas en Europa, Inglaterra decidió abandonar a su suerte a los Catalanes - Tratado de Utrecht 1713 -, con quienes habían pactado una alianza (aunque se quedaron Menorca y Gibraltar*). El ejército castellano-francés tardó dos años en entrar en Barcelona, después de sitiarla por mar y tierra. Si los catalanes, como usted insinúa, eran una panda de cobardicas, el ejército castellano-francés, con unos medios y efectivos infinitamente superiores, debía ser un enjambre de mariquitas.

* Gracias a esto, el castellano, que a partir de entonces pasó a denominarse español, se impuso en Cataluña. Han pasado casi 300 años, y los catalanes seguimos pesados, erre que erre, con nuestro idioma y ganas de autogobierno. Somos un caso único de supervivencia en Europa (y tal vez en el mundo). Otros imperios colonizadores como Inglaterra o Francia, no tienen casos parecidos en sus dominios. A ustedes les gustaría ser como ellos, pero nunca lo podrán ser.

* Simplemente por que son una panda de chapuzas como Trillo, prepotentes como Aznar y creídos como Piqué que nunca podrán convencer a un nacionalista catalán. Seremos siempre su grano en el culo, incluso cuando hayan acabado con los Etarras. ¡A ver si hay "güebos" de tomar Gibraltar como El Perejil, machotes! Y es que en el fondo sois unos cobardes que sólo os atrevéis cuando lo tenéis claro.

* Som i serem!
* Jordi Net

Friday, April 11, 2008

Guillem Agulló, you'll never walk alone

Guillem Agulló, you'll never walk alone

Subirats | divendres, 11 d'abril de 2008 | 08:00h

The land of our ancestors, land of all!
the language of the people, Catalan!
the fight for freedom, all the time!

We'll never forget your death!
We'll never forgive those who killed you
and left us in pain forever.

You were young and full of life.
You loved the country you were born,
you didn't accept to be a slave.

Your youth carried feelings of beauty.
Your youth made you dream: liberty!
Your name belongs already to the country!

You'll never walk alone!
We'll never forget your face!
We'll always fight for independence!

Versió per imprimir (format PDF)

Comment: 1

A map in memoriam of Guillem
One map | divendres, 11 d'abril de 2008 | 11:04h
The Catalan Countries' own state map to remember Guillem Agulló

Sunday, April 06, 2008

Vint-i-un actes terroristes contra el Poble Català.

Impunitat terrorista al País Valencià
vicentgalduf | País | divendres, 4 d'abril de 2008 | 08:59h

Tots aquests atemptats, comesos els darrers mesos, continuen impunes:

-Incendi de la seu del Bloc de Gandia (04/02/2007).

-Assalt i agressions al casal Jaume I d'Elx (19/02/2007)

-Agressions després del concert del 25 d'Abril (25/04/2007)

-Vandalisme a la façana de la seu electoral d’Esquerra Unida de Llíria (12/05/2007)

-Atac a la seu de Ca Revolta (01/09/2007)

-Agressió a Santiago Rosado, regidor del Bloc de Mislata (27/09/2007)

-Bomba en la seu nacional del Bloc a València (09/10/2007)

-Bomba davant de la seu d'Esquerra Republicana a València (28/11/2007)

-Atac a la Seu d'Intersindical Valenciana (04/12/2007)

-Agressió a una jove de Mislata (06/12/2007)

-Assalt al Casal Jaume I de Sueca pel GAV (17/12/2007)

-Destrossa de Salvem Catarroja (03/01/2008)

-Atac amb bomba de salfumant al casal Jaume I de Catarroja (03/01/2008)

-Incendi de la seu del Bloc de Benicàssim (20/01/2008)

-Agressions a valencianistes a Meliana (21/01/2008)

-Assalt al Centre Social Terra de Benimaclet pel GAV (21/01/2008)

-Atac a Ca Revolta (21/01/2008)

-Atac al casal Jaume I de Monòver (21/01/2008)

-Apunyalament d’un jove a la plaça del Cedre del cap i casal per un grup de neonazis vinculats a la penya Yomus del València C.F. (27/01/2008)

-Nou ultres ataquen un local d'oci de Castelló (08/02/2008)

-En Castelló 4 neonazis graven una esvàstica en la cara d'un jove (09/02/2008)

Versió per imprimir (format PDF)
Comentaris: 3
Afegir-hi un comentari

a la Plana
grau | divendres, 4 d'abril de 2008 | 11:18h
a la Plana hi han hagut unes quantes més
Respondre aquest comentari
vicentgalduf | divendres, 4 d'abril de 2008 | 13:20h
Tenia aquestes dades a la mà i sabia que se m'oblidaven algunes. La raó de publicar-les era per aprofitar la col·laboració de la gent i així aconseguir la relació completa
Respondre aquest comentari

Una foto del rei
Jordi | divendres, 4 d'abril de 2008 | 10:41h
Podríem cremar fotos del Rei en nom del GAV... i vories com els toquen el voraviu.
Respondre aquest comentari

Blog Archive